ГУЛаг Палестины - Лев Гунин
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Jerusalem.
Available online at:
http://www.kaiwan.com/codoh/newsdesk/890519.HTML
I disagree with the opinion of Haim Baram that the Israeli education system
has managed to instil a 'Holocaust awareness' in its pupils (Kol Ha'Ir
12.5.89). It's not an awareness of the Holocaust but rather the myth of the
Holocaust or even a falsification of the Holocaust (in the sense that 'a
half-truth is worse than a lie') which has been instilled here.
As one who himself lived through the Holocaust, first in Warsaw then in
Bergen-Belsen, I will give an immediate example of the total ignorance of daily
life during the Holocaust. In the Warsaw ghetto, even during the period of the
first massive extermination (June to October 1943), one saw almost no German
soldiers. Nearly all the work of administration, and later the work of
transporting hundreds of thousands of Jews to their deaths, was carried out by
Jewish collaborators. Before the outbreak of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (the
planning of which only started after the extermination of the majority of Jews
in Warsaw), the Jewish underground killed, with perfect justification, every
Jewish collaborator they could find. If they had not done so the Uprising
could never have started. The majority of the population of the Ghetto hated
the collaborators far more than the German Nazis. Every Jewish child was
taught, and this saved the lives of some them "if you enter a square from which
there are three exits, one guarded by a German SS man, one by an Ukrainian and
one by a Jewish policeman, then you should first try to pass the German, and
then maybe the Ukrainian, but never the Jew".
One of my own strongest memories is that, when the Jewish underground
killed a despicable collaborator close to my home at the end of February 1943,
I danced and sang around the still bleeding corpse together with the other
children. I still do not regret this, quite the contrary.
It is clear that such events were not exclusive to the Jews, the entire
Nazi success in easy and continued rule over millions of people stemmed from
the subtle and diabolical use of collaborators, who did most of the dirty work
for them. But does anybody now know about this? This, and not what is
'instilled' was the reality. Of the Yad Vashem (official state Holocaust
museum in Jerusalem - Ed.) theatre, I do not wish to speak at all. It, and its
vile exploiting, such as honouring South Africa collaborators with the Nazis
are truly beneath contempt.
Therefore, if we knew a little of the truth about the Holocaust, we would
at least understand (with or without agreeing) why the Palestinians are now
eliminating their collaborators. That is the only means they have if they wish
to continue to struggle against our limb-breaking regime.
Kind regards,
[Israel Shahak]
To bring closer to home and closer to the present day the inadvisability of attributing
collective guilt, we may note that more than one out of every hundred Americans is presently
sitting in jail, and yet we do not from this condemn Americans as a nation of criminals. And so
if we extract from this the conclusion that a participation rate as high as one out of every
hundred is insufficient to depict the entire population as participants, then Ukrainians should
be allowed a total of 360,000 criminal collaborators - a number never yet broached - without
Ukrainians being collectively condemned as Nazis.
The plea to avoid ascribing collective guilt is not new to Ukrainian-Jewish relations, and has
been put forward by both sides. It is time that the plea was heeded:
Even as we Jews justly disclaim responsibility for the acts of the Jewish
Bolshevist commissars and for the disgraceful actions of those Jews who
participated in the work of the Bolshevist chekas (Secret Police), the
Ukrainian people has a full right to disclaim any responsibility for those who
have besmirched themselves by pogrom activities. (Arnold Margolin, The Jews of
Eastern Europe, 1926, p. 124, in Andrew Gregorovich, Jews and Ukrainians, Forum
No. 91, Fall-Winter, 1994, p. 30)
Additional material on Jewish collaboration with the Nazis can be found in my discussion of the
Jewish Ghetto Police in my Letter 17 to Anne McLellan, Canada's Minister of Justice.
CONTENTS:
Preface
The Galicia Division
Quality of Translation
Ukrainian Homogeneity
Were Ukrainians Nazis?
Simon Wiesenthal
What Happened in Lviv?
Nazi Propaganda Film
Collective Guilt
Paralysis of the Comparative
Function
60 Minutes' Cheap Shots
Ukrainian Anti-Semitism
Jewish Ukrainophobia
Mailbag
A Sense of Responsibility
What 60 Minutes Should Do
PostScript
Paralysis of the Comparative Function
Positions taken by Morley Safer acquire meaning - can only be evaluated - following relevant
comparisons, but Mr. Safer fails to make these comparisons. For example, Ukrainian assistance
to Jews during the Jewish Holocaust acquires significance - indeed, may be thrown into a wholly
new light - when compared to Jewish assistance to Jews during the Jewish Holocaust, but Mr.
Safer does not make such a comparison. Ukrainian cruelty on behalf of the Nazis acquires
significance when compared to Jewish cruelty on behalf of the Nazis, but Mr. Safer does not make
this comparison. Ukrainians saving Jews (a possibility totally ignored by Mr. Safer) is given a
new significance when compared with Jews saving Ukrainians at times when such aid was possible
and of course Mr. Safer never reaches a point where he could make such a comparison.
Comparison 1: Ukrainians Helping Jews Compared to Jews Helping Jews
We have seen above that countless Ukrainians risked their lives and gave their lives to save
Jews. And what, let us now ask, were those who today level accusations of genetic anti-Semitism
against Ukrainians doing at the same time? What, for example, were American Jews doing? The
generous view is that they were doing little:
No American Jew appeared to have altered his life style once news of the
Holocaust was revealed. Even at the time, some observers were repelled by the
often festive atmosphere of Jewish social life in a period of wartime
prosperity. (Howard M. Sachar, A History of the Jews in America, 1992, p. 550)
Over the centuries the dispersion of the Jews had a functional utility:
whenever some part of the Jewish community was under attack, it depended on
help from the other Jews. In the period of the Nazi regime, this help did not
come. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, 1985, p. 1052)
This question has haunted me ever since the war: Why did the Jews of the free
world act as they did? Hadn't our people survived persecution and exile
throughout the centuries because of its spirit of solidarity? ... When one
community suffered, the others supported it, throughout the Diaspora. Why was
it different this time? (Elie Wiesel, Memoirs: All Rivers Run to the Sea,
1995, p. 63)
A less indulgent view, however, is that Jews not under Nazi occupation - particularly American
and British Jews - knowingly, willfully, calculatedly sacrificed their trapped European
coreligionists:
In his book, "In Days of Holocaust and Destruction," Yitzchak Greenbaum
writes, "when they asked me, couldn't you give money out of the United Jewish
Appeal funds for the rescue of Jews in Europe, I said, 'NO!' and I say again,
'NO!' ... one should resist this wave which pushes the Zionist activities to
secondary importance."
In January, 1943, the leadership of the absorption and enlisting fund
decided to bar all appeals on behalf of rescuing Jews. It is explicitly stated
in the "Sefer Hamagbis" (Book of Appeals) that the reasons for this prohibition
were because of other obligations in Eretz Yisroel.
In the beginning of February, 1943, Yitzchak Greenbaum addressed a meeting
in Tel Aviv on the subject, "the Diaspora and the Redemption," in which he
stated:
"For the rescue of the Jews in the Diaspora, we should consolidate our
excess strength and the surplus of powers that we have. When they come to us
with two plans - the rescue of the masses of Jews in Europe or the redemption
of the land [in Palestine] - I vote, without a second thought, for the
redemption of the land. The more said about the slaughter of our people, the
greater the minimization of our efforts to strengthen and promote the
Hebraization of the land. If there would be a possibility today of buying
packages of food [for Jews in Nazi captivity] with the money of the "Keren
Hayesod" (United Jewish Appeal) to send it through Lisbon, would we do such a
thing? No! And once again No!" (Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims
Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, p. 26, emphasis
added)
Mr. Schwalb expressed the complete Zionist ideology and stated clearly and
openly the politics of the Zionist leaders in the area of rescue: the shedding
of Jewish blood in the Diaspora is necessary in order for us to demand the
establishment of a "Jewish" state before a peace commission. Money will be
sent to save a group of "chalutzim" (pioneers), while the remainder of Czech
Jewry must resign itself to annihilation in the Auschwitz crematoria. (Reb
Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish
War Criminals, 1977, p. 28, emphasis added)
We have previously quoted the words of Yitzchak Greenbaum, chairman of the
"rescue committee" of the Jewish Agency in Eretz Yosroel, who refused to
allocate even one dollar of United Jewish Appeal funds for food to those who
were fighting off the pangs of hunger. This approach was totally in consonance
with his famous slogan, to the effect that, "one goat in Eretz Yisroel is more
important than an entire community in the Diaspora." How could he thus
withhold a package of straw from a Holy Land goat in order to send food to a
starving infant? But if that is not enough, the Zionists acted like the fiend
who declared that he not only would not give, but he also would not let others
give (whom our Sages called a "rosho" - a wicked person). The Zionist leaders
weren't satisfied merely with the crime of sitting idly by and doing nothing.
They labored with all their might to forcefully prevent others from helping the
sufferers in the ghetto. (Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse:
Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, pp. 44-45)
One cow in Palestine is worth more than all the Jews in Poland. (Yitzchak
Greenbaum in Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The Holocaust Victims Accuse: Documents and
Testimony on Jewish War Criminals, 1977, p. 116)
The Antonescu Offer. Reb Moshe Shonfeld's book documents several instances of offers being
made, sometimes by the Nazis, to release Jews for a fixed price, and of the offers being
declined by Zionist leaders. The Romanian government, for example, offered 70,000 Jews at $50
apiece. These Jews could have been transported to Palestine via Turkey - a few days' ride by
truck. The Romanian offer was confirmed by the U.S. State Department. The offer would become
void once Romania was occupied by the Germans - an occupation that was imminent. Ben Hecht in
his book Perfidy relates placing the following ad in New York newspapers:
FOR SALE
70,000 JEWS
AT
$50 APIECE
GUARANTEED HUMAN BEINGS
Zionist leaders, however, denied the existence of such an offer and sabotaged fund-raising
efforts. As a result, the 70,000 Romanian Jews perished. Ben Hecht's indignation is
unrestrained:
But in 1943, we, who called out the plight of the Romanian Jews to the
world, were discredited by the Zionist unions, the established Zionist
leadership and their associated philanthropies, as scandalmongers. Our attempt
to get the Jews out of Romania before the Germans came was scotched.
The 70,000 Jews who might have been saved were herded into barns by the
Germanized Romanians under General Antonescu, hosed with gasoline, ignited, and
shot down when they came blazing and screaming out of their cauldrons.
Was it for this the conspirators of Silence had been holding their
high-level meetings, fraternizing with presidents and prime ministers and
keeping intact Weizmann's ... policy of an 'exclusive' ... Palestine? This
Silence, this wretched business of Jewish leaders lying about the slaughter of
Europe's Jewry - trying to hide it, soft-pedal it - for what?
These organizations, these philanthropists, these timorous Jewish lodge
members in Zion, in London and America - these Zionist leaders who let their
six million kinsmen burn, choke, hang, without protest, with indifference, and
even with a glint of anti-Semitic cunning in their political plannings - I sum
up against them. These factotums, these policy-makers, the custodians of the
Jewish future in Palestine ... these Zionist men and women - I haul into the
prisoner's dock of this book. (Ben Hecht, Perfidy, in Reb Moshe Shonfeld, The
Holocaust Victims Accuse: Documents and Testimony on Jewish War Criminals,
1977, p. 102)
The Eichmann Offer. The war afforded more than one opportunity to save Jews. Here is another
significant opportunity, the offer this time coming directly from Adolph Eichmann:
So I am ready to sell you - a million Jews. ... What do you want to save?
Virile men? Grown women? Old people? Children? Sit down - and talk. ...
Now I am going to prove to you that I trust you more than you trust me. When
you ... tell me that the offer has been accepted, I will [as an initial
demonstration of good faith, even before you make any payment] dissolve
Auschwitz and move 10 percent of the promised million to the border. You take
over the 100,000 Jews and deliver for them afterwards one thousand trucks. And